Grover Norquist on Michael Medved radio show

Here is a partial transcript from a recent Michael Medved radio show, where he interviewed signatory Grover Norquist about our work on criminal justice reform. They discussed the conservative way forward for prison reform, and ensuring that taxpayers get the best deal from the system, all while reducing crime and recidivism.

Medved: So are we handling our justice system appropriately? Most conservatives instinctively say “yeah, lock them up.” But there’s an interesting group of people called Right on Crime, they are working with the prison fellowship, which is an organization that I deeply respect that is the legacy of the late, great Chuck Colson and they’re saying “Wait a minute that applying conservative values to criminal justice doesn’t always mean locking people up forever.” Grover Norquist is one of the people along with the Jeb Bush, Newt Gingrich, Bill Bennett, the former attorney general Ed Meese, and when he was governor of California, President Reagan. Grover it is great to speak you, Grover of course is the president of Americans for Tax Reform.  The basic message from your group, Right on Crime would be?

Norquist: I was certainly one of those people for many years in seventies and eighties assumed that the proper response of Conservatives to crime was longer sentences, less parole, probation, lock him up throw away the key and somebody else will then manage the problem from here. The judges that prosecutors the prison guards; I would go off and do other things, try and cut taxes and reduce the size and scope of the stated areas. Government should be in the business of punishing criminals, let’s go focus on getting the government to stop doing the things it ought not to do. It turns out that you can’t just have things over the experts necessarily and that we need to look at how much money we spend on prison, how long we want certain people to be imprisoned, what is the benefit of the seventy five -year-old bank robber imprison another five years how do we reduce crime while trying to be is not disruptive as possible the families and communities. Punishing criminals but not so in a way that is overly expensive or more destructive than necessary, everything from ankle bracelets to house arrests more serious control in terms of probation and parole and people call in and you know where they are with GPS.

There are less expensive ways to control potentially bad people than spending, in California, fifty thousand dollars a year to keep them in prison. Taking a look at some of those questions: what should be federal crimes? Which should be state crimes? A number us work together in DC, just sitting around a table every once in a while saying “Are there better ways to do this?” Because every time some crime gets it way in the newspaper, remember carjacking a number years ago, clearly a state crime, somebody steals a car, in Kansas, Kansas can deal with it.  But because it was the newspapers for several weeks some congressmen suddenly decided to make carjacking a federal crime.  There are four thousand federal crimes that can send you to prison.  The first thing we learned as kids, I’m not sure I know most of the fifty thousand federal laws that can send you to jail, not fine you for not filling out paperwork or something, but real life felonies send you jail. Does it really make sense to have four thousand four thousand federal crimes? And if not, how should we look at this stuff. So conservatives taking a look at criminal justice issues is one because it’s partly our fault for ignoring it, not spending the time and effort in that field but it’s also necessary for conservatives to leave because liberals have no credibility on the subject when some liberal from Vermont says “I’ve got an idea, let’s has fewer people in prison and have there for less time.” You look at him and go “Yeah but you don’t care how so why we listen to you?” Conservatives such as Ed Meese and other political leaders who spent their lives being serious about combating crime, punishing criminals, keeping the streets safe. If they come up and say – Here’s something they tried in Texas and the great thing about Right on Crime is that the Texas Public Policy Foundation sort of the CATO, heritage, A.E.I. of Texas has put a lot of these ideas forward and they’re working  in Texas and when I’ve testified in Florida and talk to legislators in Oklahoma and Arkansas and Missouri and I say “Here’s what work in Texas,” people’s eyes open up and their ears perk up and they go “Oh…

Medved: You don’t think of Texas as a soft on crime state? Speaking of Texas, one of the things that I think is fairly well known is that Texas leads the country in terms of imposition of the death penalty. Does your organization, I don’t know the answer to this, Do you take a position for or against the death penalty?

Norquist: I’m actually strong supporter of the death penalty for people who murder people. That strikes me as perfectly reasonable, just, and fair, I’m for it. I do know some other people, for religious reasons, oppose to the death penalty even though they would support life in prison and so on. But this is not a group that says let’s become moderate or liberal; this is how you effectively fight crime?

Medved: Let’s get to the situation in California, because some the California prison system, which of course is the nation’s largest, required by some court order to release ninety thousand prisoners?”

Norquist: They are in the business of releasing prisoners because some judge said some, what I’d rather do is have some more though go into who you put in the first place.

Medved: And again because some of the people they are releasing now, that Jerry Brown is getting ready to release are violent criminals. You live in Washington, DC, Grover, we’re up here closer to California. Generally I think it’s nice if people from California skip that state and come to Washington State. I’m not so sure about some of these newly released violent offenders. You don’t necessarily, as part of this prison reform, want sort of a wholesale forgiveness or reduction of sentences, what you are talking about is sorting through the individual cases more effectively to try to understand what works.

Norquist: To stay in prison for longer periods, some people for less longer.

 

Medved: Would you agree with me that the lovely Castro brothers of Cleveland, Ohio should be looking at prison for the rest of their lives?

Norquist: Yes. And I’ve always been irritated by people who say “You are innocent until proven guilty.” You’re either innocent or guilty. It is the state that is required to treat you as if you innocent until you’re found guilty. People are innocent or guilty; it’s not like the conviction. But the Government has to say, “We will treat you as if you are innocent until you are found guilty.” I, however, am not the government and is sure seems to me that they are guilty.

Medved: what about the rehabilitation aspect of this, I know that this in part cosponsored with prison fellowship. They have found that one element of rehabilitation is often prevented by government which is the injection of religious faith and rebuilding of personality.

Norquist: That’s something that prison fellowship has been worked on for many years across the state; they have a series of issues trying to keep prisoners in touch with families. As well as allowing them to have practiced their faith and have people of faith speak which them in prison. So there are a number of ways you can keep connected with wives and children and relatives, you’re more likely to have something to go back to, more likely to be well rounded and have friends other than criminals you meet in prison. This is where Bush sort of had something where he talked about successive faith based efforts.

Medved: Well there’s no doubt at particularly about prison rehabilitation. So what do we do to invest our money in the criminal justice system more effectively? That’s what we are talking about. Right now we spend a great deal of money particularly at the state level on criminal justice. How do we save money and get better results? We are on with Grover Norquist, Grover of course president of Americans for Tax Reform no one has been more ferocious in trying to protect American tax payers from the intrusions of the Federal Government and the burdens placed upon us by taxations of various kinds and from various directions, and right now he’s actually talking about better use of the money that Government does take in or borrow. Better use in what respect is the criminal justice system. He’s part of the new movement Right on Crime that features a lot of prominent conservatives who are trying to inject some new ideas about the justice system that will end up helping the tax payer and help promote public safety at the same time. Grover, do you have some sense because I have been unable to find a realistic number on how much we spend total on our criminal justice system, federal, state and local?

Norquist: That gets sort of a knowable number I don’t have here right in front of me. It has been increasing at the state level, which is why we’ve been getting more attention for this idea. How do we spend more wisely on fighting Crime? Crime is going down, as oppose to the eighties where crime was going up and people said do something and often, unfortunately, was just throw money at it and not rethink or reform anything. Because even which crime going down, the amount of money being spent at the state level is becoming a larger and larger size of people’s state budget and so there is an effort, a willingness to talk about reform.

Medved: Let’s go to Bill in Minneapolis.

Bill: Yeah, Michael, I appreciate you taking my call. Just to fill you in on two numbers Grover, California spends twelve million dollars every single day, I’m from the state of Minnesota, we spend six hundred and sixteen thousand dollars every single day to keep people incarcerated but the idea that you had in the seventies, excuse me for believing the idea to get soft on crime right now is a little bit disingenuous. I think it’s more related to your stance on taxes.  It was a wrongheaded policy back then to get tough of crime without looking at the future outcome of the what do you do once you have all these people incarcerated and then after the incarcerated and they’re basically unemployable in today’s. Now we’re paying scads of social society dollars to pay to keep them alive after they can’t get a job. Now you’re saying “I don’t want to pay any taxes and let’s look at the prison situation differently. It just feels really disingenuous to me.

Medved: Grover?

Norquist: What I started off by saying is look, I bought into the narrative that the solution of crime is to grab everybody and lock them up for as long as possible. And there was a position in the eighties that said if you could deliver another six hundred thousand people in prison, those are the six hundred thousand people creating most of the crimes and that would collapse fine. We did, we put those guys and more.

Medved: and it worked. That’s the point.

Bill: That was in the eighties. Didn’t crime spike in the nineties?

Medved: No, crime has gone down dramatically for twenty years, particularly gun crime by the way.

Bill: I would argue that crime spiked in the early nineties and has since gone down, based on statistics that I think. The city that I live in, Minneapolis, ’92 ’93 we were called “Murderapolis” we set a new record for crime rates. Thankfully crime has gone down, but not as a result of incarcerating a bunch of people in the eighties.

Medved: Here is one of those things. James Q. Wilson of Harvard and UCLA, may he rest in peace, wrote about this stuff brilliantly. And the overall trend in criminal activity in the United States has been down dramatically, the peak years were the seventies. Crime did not spike in the nineties, crime has been going down for a long time. And I think everybody agrees is that part of that is we do incarcerate so many people. One thing you know is that it’s tough to create crime or perpetrate crime against people if you’re sitting in the stir, if you’re in jail.

Norquist: I think we’re agreeing here that when you incarcerate more bad guys you reduce crime because some of those people were offenders frequently. Get one of those guys off the street and save money, however not everybody in prison would’ve created twelve or fifty crimes a year. Some of them needed to be slapped, metaphorically, on the side of the head and “hey, knock it off” but does that have to be a five years in prison, twenty years? What would it take to help somebody turn around. What they shifted to is that the first time you broke parole they put you in prison for the weekend. You do it again they put you in prison for a weekend or a week and suddenly people could go “Oh” and you could teach people to not do that in a couple of days or a week. It doesn’t take five years. And what you teach them, if you yell at them six times, and they think “I guess it’s not against the rules since they just yell at me” and then we throw them in prison for five years and wonder “What was that all about?”

Medved: we are on with Grover Norquist about the criminal justice system and yes in that context we will bring you the word on for those of you who are just breathlessly expecting this. Grover we were talking off the air and you made me a bit bemused and perplexed by all of the cable television attention to the Jodie Arias case. They are about to announce a verdict and let people know what it is. I know Jeffery Toobin little bit who’s now the legal correspondent for CNN and Jeffrey has a very strong academic and legal background smart guys written some pretty good books. Big liberal but here is Jeffrey they send him out to Phoenix to cover the verdict in this incredibly sleazy trial. I mean really is this why people I imagine you don’t envy of the folks who are out there in phoenix covering this right now. I wish they could paint over this whole thing. Let us go to our callers on the budget and saving money on the budget with the criminal justice system Jut one thing, do you agree with me that it probably is a misallocations of funds to spend a lot of money on keeping people, or anyone in prison just for the use of marijuana?

Norquist: that’s not on my list to put people in prison for.

Medved: Good, let’s go to Jeremy in Burbank, California.

Jeremy: We used to have chain gangs and prisoners who made license plates and contributed to society, unless I’m mistaken, that’s an element that is missing from our justice system and incarceration system and that feels like it could be something that could offset the cost. Also there are things that are offered to prisoners like televisions. The more I hear about what is available to prisoners, it is personally punishment, and there is a piece of it in terms of rehabilitating but what about the reducing costs there?

Norquist: I think it makes sense for prisoners to be working, work is good for you and if you get out of practice for a few years, you are unlikely to get up in the morning and show up at work. Organized Labor thought they were competing with their workers and would make this illegal and we have enough labor shortages that I think we could put enough prisoners to work and not really interfere with the real economy. But have people learning skills, producing something, covering their own cost of incarceration and give something back to the people they’ve earned.

Medved: Let’s go to Bob in San Diego, California

Bob: Twenty years ago I heard a professor at think his last name was Mahler in San Diego state who wrote a book about prison reform and prison situation one of the things he said was doing a program in New York prisons where he was education prisoners for their masters degree and the rest of them wait while he was doing would like thirteen percent and he was sad to say that Bill Clinton cut that program and they came back to California to teach. I don’t know if you ever heard of that.

Norquist: No, there have been some very successful programs with young people with all sorts of different efforts allowed faith-based and I’m not sure you can take a successful program and all of a sudden give government money and decide you can do ten of them I think that’s one of the things that Bush had a little problem with it you can replicate some faith-based things that are based on strong personalities and either secularize some things and just say stupendous it doesn’t necessarily happen that way where you find those opportunities where is working like to keep it going.

Senator Rand Paul talks criminal justice at Howard University

Read the full text of Senator Rand Paul’s speech at Howard University today. He focused on how conservative values, including those that deal with criminal justice reform, can better people’s lives and limit government power.

Here is an excerpt from the speech today.

Our federal mandatory minimum sentences are simply heavy handed and arbitrary. They can affect anyone at any time, though they disproportionately affect those without the means to fight them.

We should stand and loudly proclaim enough is enough. We should not have laws that ruin the lives of young men and women who have committed no violence.

That’s why I have introduced a bill to repeal federal mandatory minimum sentences. We should not have drug laws or a court system that disproportionately punishes the black community.

West Virginia Senate Passes Criminal Justice Reform Bill

A few days ago, the West Virginia State Senate passed criminal justice reform bill SB371 by an overwhelming vote of 33-0. It’s unusual for any legislative body to pass a bill with zero “No” votes, but that’s exactly what happened on Thursday. The legislation, which would help West Virginia achieve the goals of ensuring public safety while reducing costs, now heads over to the West Virginia House of Delegates.

The Charleston Gazette has the story on its website here.

Conservative criminal justice reform is making its way around the country, with states finding out that as prison costs rise, they need to find cost effective ways to reverse this trend. Other states, including Oregon, Georgia, Texas, Pennsylvania and South Dakota have either passed or are considering passing legislation that would reduce costs, enhance public safety and prioritize victims in the criminal justice system.

This is an issue that conservatives should monitor closely. As some commentators have noted recently, conservatives can benefit by offering urban policy solutions that make a big impact on people’s lives. Criminal justice reform, along with education, transportation and other urban issues, are key problems that conservatives must address if we are to expand our camp and bring in new people. This is why what happened in West Virginia on Thursday is so important.

Arizona Experiments with Swift and Sure Sanctions

In the same vein as Hawaii, Michigan, Texas, New Jersey, and other jurisdictions across the United States, Arizona has decided to use swift and sure sanctions, otherwise known as graduated sanctions, in order to reduce technical revocations.

Technical revocations occur when probated or paroled offenders violate a term of their supervision—such as missing a meeting or failing to pay a fine—rather than a new crime. These technical violations can sometimes pile up and result in revocation and an additional stint in a prison cell.

Arizona has realized, as so many other jurisdictions have, that avoiding technical revocations not only saves taxpayers the bill for additional months or years spent in prison, but also frees up prison beds for dangerous and violent offenders.

To that end, Arizona’s Department of Corrections created a halfway house for parolees who violate a technical provision of their release. This halfway house will include drug treatment, day reporting for employed parolees, and life skills classes. But most importantly, the halfway house will use immediate penalties and sanctions for technical violations, which will aid in reducing revocations to prison.

The cost savings to Arizona taxpayers encompasses both the cheaper per diem for community corrections, but also long term savings that result from more ex-offenders desisting from crime.

End of an Era: Georgia Begins to Close Parole Offices

Georgia is moving quickly toward the end of an era as parole offices are being closed at a pace that will see most of them completely shuttered within the next calendar year.  A handful already are closed, about another dozen will close within weeks and the remainder will close as the state moves away from real estate toward reliance on parole officer-friendly remote technology.

“The day of the parolee reporting to a parole office is long gone,” said Michael Nail, executive director of the state board of Pardons and Paroles.  Virtual offices – two-man parole teams in vehicles – will replace real estate.  “Our officers will be in the community where parolees reside and work and it’s no longer parolees coming to where the parole officer works,” Nail said.  Teams are equipped with Android devices that connect to a Google.Gov platform.

The Pardons and Paroles board expects to save $1 million when contracts expire on leased office space statewide.  From a previous high of 48 parole offices, the state currently has about 40 still open.  Nail said 13 will close in December and nearly all others within 12-to-18 months. Those that remain open in state buildings will often share space with state probation employees.

The decision to move away from real estate and toward two-man mobile parole teams is equal parts the reality of the state budget and evidence of success that Pardons and Paroles has witnessed since it began a voice recognition parolee call-in reporting experiment.  A call-in pilot program that began 18 months ago with 1,300 parolees has expanded to almost 3,400.

Pardons and Paroles is its own agency, not part of the Department of Corrections, and it has a current fiscal year budget of just under $52.7 million.  Like nearly all state agencies it has been asked to propose 3 percent in cuts, or about $1.6 million, for the fiscal year that starts in July.  Closing under-utilized offices and moving personnel into the field is part of absorbing that cut.

Georgia has about 23,000 former penitentiary inmates on parole.  Almost one-third who have been successful under regular supervision are considered low-risk to re-offend or pose a public safety risk.  Starting in summer 2011 the state began to assign low-risk parolees to a voice recognition system in which the parolee is required to report by phone.  Software developed by Atlanta-based Anytrax can identify individual parolees and the service is available in multiple languages.

Nail said the model has succeeded on several levels.  First, just 1.7 percent of parolees who were assigned to voice recognition reporting have re-entered the system for technical violations or a new criminal charge. Second, the number of cases assigned to parole officers has declined from about 75 to about 40 with increased face-to-face emphasis on higher-risk parolees.  Third, the agency determined it does not need to maintain leases on costly real estate.

“This is what we were able to do to meet the mandated reductions,” Nail said.  “If we had not gone down that road the only thing you can cut or reduce is staff and personnel.”  The state parolee population is up about 10 percent over ten years but the number of case workers has declined about 10 percent over the past five years.  No case worker expansion is anticipated.

Pardons and Paroles has also begun an enhanced house arrest monitoring pilot project in which cell phones combined with voice recognition technology are used to track the location of parolees.  Cell phone technology enables parole officers to identify a parolee’s exact location. Think of this as a GPS type technology without GPS costs.   Anytrax charges $7 per month per parolee enrolled in its services; that cost is charged to parolees and is not paid by state dollars.

None of these changes is directly tied to criminal justice reform measures that were adopted by the 2012 Legislature and which are currently being implemented statewide.  However, voice recognition tracking and creative uses of cell phone technology are examples of innovation developed in the private sector that can be successfully applied in the public sector.

“Sometimes philosophically in government and the public safety arena we get in the mindset that we are the only ones who can effectively do our business,” Nail said.  “This has shown us we can be more effective when we reach out and find others who can assist us doing our job.”

Nail added, “This is what community supervision ought to be all about.”

This post also appears on the Georgia Public Policy Foundation’s Forum Blog.

Oklahoma Designs Reentry for Mentally Ill Inmates

Mentally ill offenders have a tendency to cycle in and out of the criminal justice system. Some members of law enforcement see the same offenders so often they’ve begun calling them “frequent flyers.”

To reduce the high recidivism in this class of offender, Oklahoma created the Oklahoma Collaborative Mental Health Reentry Program to keep mentally ill inmates from returning to prison. The Program in part ensures that mentally ill offenders continue to take their medication once they’re back on the streets. But beyond medication, it also involves counseling and reintegration classes, as well as assistance in finding housing and food.

Part of the key to accomplishing these goals is a concerted effort by the Department of Corrections and the Department of Mental Health to share information on offenders so that no one—and no issue—slips through the cracks.

Early results are positive: offenders entering the program recidivate at a rate of 25.2 percent, a far cry from the 42.3 percent for a comparable prison population.

Oklahoma officials estimate about half of their prison inmates have some form of a mental illness, and have documented a 300 percent increase in psychotropic drug administration between 1998 and 2006. Thus, reductions in recidivism in mentally ill offenders not only keep the public more safe, but cut down on costs in Oklahoma’s criminal justice system.

Early Sentencing Reforms in Arkansas Show Positive Results

In 2011, the Arkansas Legislature passed significant sentencing reform legislation, which increased probation and parole supervision alternatives for nonviolent and drug offenders, implemented graduated sanctions for technical violations while on parole, and increased the availability of electronic monitoring.

So far, this legislation has correlated with a 30 percent drop in parole revocations and a 15 percent drop in probation revocations. The total prison population dropped 7.1 percent in 2011 alone.

Further studies are forthcoming, but the early results are promising. Taxpayers in Arkansas will save millions with more effective sentencing options for low-level offenders, prison crowding has eased, and prison beds can be reserved for violent, dangerous offenders who genuinely threaten the public safety.

Supervision, Reentry Emphasized in West Virginia

The state that has had the greatest increase in prison population growth in recent years—West Virginia—may be exacerbating the problem by failing to properly supervise prison inmates upon release. Legislators in the state recently heard testimony regarding inefficiencies in the parole and reentry processes.

Carl Reynolds of the Justice Reinvestment Initiative informed legislators that the parole process provides necessary supervision and reentry services, such as job training and locating, that can sometimes be the key to desisting from crime. Reynolds noted that West Virginia could create a more efficient and effective reentry process by using risk assessments to properly match ex-offenders to the supervision system best tailored to their level of risk.

Other witnesses discussed West Virginia’s significant drug and substance abuse problems and cited the need for better treatment options. Probation and parole revocations, however, are the leading driver of West Virginia’s prison population growth. Revocations grew 47 percent in the last seven years, at a cost of $168 million.

Former Prisoners turned Entrepreneurs through Private Programs

Defy Ventures describes its program as “MBA-like training, real business plan competitions, and real money.” While such a program would likely grab the attention of many would-be-entrepreneurs, the unique thing about Defy is that their students are all former prisoners.

Defy Ventures is a New York based non-profit organization whose managers recognize that “many former drug dealers and gang leaders share similar skill sets and talents with top business leaders.” For example, one student, Jose Vasquez, a former drug dealer, knew that the way to differentiate himself from other drug dealers was to make his customers happy—taking them to dinner, buying them birthday presents. Today, he runs Happy Vida, a concierge service running errands for New York Professionals.

Defy Ventures helps ambitious former prisoners by providing a one-year entrepreneurial training and mentorship program. According to Defy’s website, the program offers participants a 45-day introductory training during evenings and weekends, after which they may be one of the 60 committed applicants who will qualify for a prestigious internship with Defy. The internship provides them with the chance to pitch a business concept to investors for a 1 in 4 shot at winning $3,000 in seed funding. Ultimately, participants present their results to investors in a final business plan competition where $100,000 in additional funding is on the table.

Catherine Rohr, Defy’s founder and CEO, teaches participants not only the textbook knowledge needed to run a company, but also interpersonal skills—such as smiling and handshakes. With the help of supportive funders, volunteers, mentors, and a devoted private sector network, Defy has helped start twenty-one businesses since its founding in 2010.

In 2004, Catherine Rohr founded a similar program in Texas called Prison Entrepreneurship Program (PEP). While Rohr is no longer involved with PEP, its mission continues. PEP starts with applicants who are currently in prison, and after a competitive process, transfers eligible prisoners to the Cleveland Correctional Facility, out of which PEP operates. After training and being reintegrated into society, PEP boasts a return-to-prison rate of less than 5%, an employment rate of 100% within 90 days, and over 100 businesses launched.

Encouraging New CSG Report on Declining Recidivism in 7 States

This morning, the Council of State Governments Justice Center released an encouraging new report on declining recidivism rates. The report examined the 2005 and 2007 recidivism rates in seven states: Kansas, Michigan, Mississippi, Ohio, Oregon, Texas, and Vermont. In all seven states, recidivism rates in 2007 were significantly lower than those in 2005. Indeed, one state–Michigan–realized an extraordinary decline of 18%. As the report explains, between 2005 and 2007, these seven states made a concerted effort to identify the offenders most at risk for re-offending, and they prioritized their limited re-entry resources for these at-risk populations. The Secretary of the Kansas Department of Corrections explained his department’s new philosophy: “One of my wardens constantly asks his staff, right down to the line staff, ‘What can we do to reduce recidivism?’ This gets them thinking that reentry is an important part of what they do…that they can do something to improve the likelihood that the people who leave their custody are successful when they return home.” The results speak for themselves:

Recidivism

Plummeting Recidivism Rates