Grover Norquist on Michael Medved radio show

Here is a partial transcript from a recent Michael Medved radio show, where he interviewed signatory Grover Norquist about our work on criminal justice reform. They discussed the conservative way forward for prison reform, and ensuring that taxpayers get the best deal from the system, all while reducing crime and recidivism.

Medved: So are we handling our justice system appropriately? Most conservatives instinctively say “yeah, lock them up.” But there’s an interesting group of people called Right on Crime, they are working with the prison fellowship, which is an organization that I deeply respect that is the legacy of the late, great Chuck Colson and they’re saying “Wait a minute that applying conservative values to criminal justice doesn’t always mean locking people up forever.” Grover Norquist is one of the people along with the Jeb Bush, Newt Gingrich, Bill Bennett, the former attorney general Ed Meese, and when he was governor of California, President Reagan. Grover it is great to speak you, Grover of course is the president of Americans for Tax Reform.  The basic message from your group, Right on Crime would be?

Norquist: I was certainly one of those people for many years in seventies and eighties assumed that the proper response of Conservatives to crime was longer sentences, less parole, probation, lock him up throw away the key and somebody else will then manage the problem from here. The judges that prosecutors the prison guards; I would go off and do other things, try and cut taxes and reduce the size and scope of the stated areas. Government should be in the business of punishing criminals, let’s go focus on getting the government to stop doing the things it ought not to do. It turns out that you can’t just have things over the experts necessarily and that we need to look at how much money we spend on prison, how long we want certain people to be imprisoned, what is the benefit of the seventy five -year-old bank robber imprison another five years how do we reduce crime while trying to be is not disruptive as possible the families and communities. Punishing criminals but not so in a way that is overly expensive or more destructive than necessary, everything from ankle bracelets to house arrests more serious control in terms of probation and parole and people call in and you know where they are with GPS.

There are less expensive ways to control potentially bad people than spending, in California, fifty thousand dollars a year to keep them in prison. Taking a look at some of those questions: what should be federal crimes? Which should be state crimes? A number us work together in DC, just sitting around a table every once in a while saying “Are there better ways to do this?” Because every time some crime gets it way in the newspaper, remember carjacking a number years ago, clearly a state crime, somebody steals a car, in Kansas, Kansas can deal with it.  But because it was the newspapers for several weeks some congressmen suddenly decided to make carjacking a federal crime.  There are four thousand federal crimes that can send you to prison.  The first thing we learned as kids, I’m not sure I know most of the fifty thousand federal laws that can send you to jail, not fine you for not filling out paperwork or something, but real life felonies send you jail. Does it really make sense to have four thousand four thousand federal crimes? And if not, how should we look at this stuff. So conservatives taking a look at criminal justice issues is one because it’s partly our fault for ignoring it, not spending the time and effort in that field but it’s also necessary for conservatives to leave because liberals have no credibility on the subject when some liberal from Vermont says “I’ve got an idea, let’s has fewer people in prison and have there for less time.” You look at him and go “Yeah but you don’t care how so why we listen to you?” Conservatives such as Ed Meese and other political leaders who spent their lives being serious about combating crime, punishing criminals, keeping the streets safe. If they come up and say – Here’s something they tried in Texas and the great thing about Right on Crime is that the Texas Public Policy Foundation sort of the CATO, heritage, A.E.I. of Texas has put a lot of these ideas forward and they’re working  in Texas and when I’ve testified in Florida and talk to legislators in Oklahoma and Arkansas and Missouri and I say “Here’s what work in Texas,” people’s eyes open up and their ears perk up and they go “Oh…

Medved: You don’t think of Texas as a soft on crime state? Speaking of Texas, one of the things that I think is fairly well known is that Texas leads the country in terms of imposition of the death penalty. Does your organization, I don’t know the answer to this, Do you take a position for or against the death penalty?

Norquist: I’m actually strong supporter of the death penalty for people who murder people. That strikes me as perfectly reasonable, just, and fair, I’m for it. I do know some other people, for religious reasons, oppose to the death penalty even though they would support life in prison and so on. But this is not a group that says let’s become moderate or liberal; this is how you effectively fight crime?

Medved: Let’s get to the situation in California, because some the California prison system, which of course is the nation’s largest, required by some court order to release ninety thousand prisoners?”

Norquist: They are in the business of releasing prisoners because some judge said some, what I’d rather do is have some more though go into who you put in the first place.

Medved: And again because some of the people they are releasing now, that Jerry Brown is getting ready to release are violent criminals. You live in Washington, DC, Grover, we’re up here closer to California. Generally I think it’s nice if people from California skip that state and come to Washington State. I’m not so sure about some of these newly released violent offenders. You don’t necessarily, as part of this prison reform, want sort of a wholesale forgiveness or reduction of sentences, what you are talking about is sorting through the individual cases more effectively to try to understand what works.

Norquist: To stay in prison for longer periods, some people for less longer.

 

Medved: Would you agree with me that the lovely Castro brothers of Cleveland, Ohio should be looking at prison for the rest of their lives?

Norquist: Yes. And I’ve always been irritated by people who say “You are innocent until proven guilty.” You’re either innocent or guilty. It is the state that is required to treat you as if you innocent until you’re found guilty. People are innocent or guilty; it’s not like the conviction. But the Government has to say, “We will treat you as if you are innocent until you are found guilty.” I, however, am not the government and is sure seems to me that they are guilty.

Medved: what about the rehabilitation aspect of this, I know that this in part cosponsored with prison fellowship. They have found that one element of rehabilitation is often prevented by government which is the injection of religious faith and rebuilding of personality.

Norquist: That’s something that prison fellowship has been worked on for many years across the state; they have a series of issues trying to keep prisoners in touch with families. As well as allowing them to have practiced their faith and have people of faith speak which them in prison. So there are a number of ways you can keep connected with wives and children and relatives, you’re more likely to have something to go back to, more likely to be well rounded and have friends other than criminals you meet in prison. This is where Bush sort of had something where he talked about successive faith based efforts.

Medved: Well there’s no doubt at particularly about prison rehabilitation. So what do we do to invest our money in the criminal justice system more effectively? That’s what we are talking about. Right now we spend a great deal of money particularly at the state level on criminal justice. How do we save money and get better results? We are on with Grover Norquist, Grover of course president of Americans for Tax Reform no one has been more ferocious in trying to protect American tax payers from the intrusions of the Federal Government and the burdens placed upon us by taxations of various kinds and from various directions, and right now he’s actually talking about better use of the money that Government does take in or borrow. Better use in what respect is the criminal justice system. He’s part of the new movement Right on Crime that features a lot of prominent conservatives who are trying to inject some new ideas about the justice system that will end up helping the tax payer and help promote public safety at the same time. Grover, do you have some sense because I have been unable to find a realistic number on how much we spend total on our criminal justice system, federal, state and local?

Norquist: That gets sort of a knowable number I don’t have here right in front of me. It has been increasing at the state level, which is why we’ve been getting more attention for this idea. How do we spend more wisely on fighting Crime? Crime is going down, as oppose to the eighties where crime was going up and people said do something and often, unfortunately, was just throw money at it and not rethink or reform anything. Because even which crime going down, the amount of money being spent at the state level is becoming a larger and larger size of people’s state budget and so there is an effort, a willingness to talk about reform.

Medved: Let’s go to Bill in Minneapolis.

Bill: Yeah, Michael, I appreciate you taking my call. Just to fill you in on two numbers Grover, California spends twelve million dollars every single day, I’m from the state of Minnesota, we spend six hundred and sixteen thousand dollars every single day to keep people incarcerated but the idea that you had in the seventies, excuse me for believing the idea to get soft on crime right now is a little bit disingenuous. I think it’s more related to your stance on taxes.  It was a wrongheaded policy back then to get tough of crime without looking at the future outcome of the what do you do once you have all these people incarcerated and then after the incarcerated and they’re basically unemployable in today’s. Now we’re paying scads of social society dollars to pay to keep them alive after they can’t get a job. Now you’re saying “I don’t want to pay any taxes and let’s look at the prison situation differently. It just feels really disingenuous to me.

Medved: Grover?

Norquist: What I started off by saying is look, I bought into the narrative that the solution of crime is to grab everybody and lock them up for as long as possible. And there was a position in the eighties that said if you could deliver another six hundred thousand people in prison, those are the six hundred thousand people creating most of the crimes and that would collapse fine. We did, we put those guys and more.

Medved: and it worked. That’s the point.

Bill: That was in the eighties. Didn’t crime spike in the nineties?

Medved: No, crime has gone down dramatically for twenty years, particularly gun crime by the way.

Bill: I would argue that crime spiked in the early nineties and has since gone down, based on statistics that I think. The city that I live in, Minneapolis, ’92 ’93 we were called “Murderapolis” we set a new record for crime rates. Thankfully crime has gone down, but not as a result of incarcerating a bunch of people in the eighties.

Medved: Here is one of those things. James Q. Wilson of Harvard and UCLA, may he rest in peace, wrote about this stuff brilliantly. And the overall trend in criminal activity in the United States has been down dramatically, the peak years were the seventies. Crime did not spike in the nineties, crime has been going down for a long time. And I think everybody agrees is that part of that is we do incarcerate so many people. One thing you know is that it’s tough to create crime or perpetrate crime against people if you’re sitting in the stir, if you’re in jail.

Norquist: I think we’re agreeing here that when you incarcerate more bad guys you reduce crime because some of those people were offenders frequently. Get one of those guys off the street and save money, however not everybody in prison would’ve created twelve or fifty crimes a year. Some of them needed to be slapped, metaphorically, on the side of the head and “hey, knock it off” but does that have to be a five years in prison, twenty years? What would it take to help somebody turn around. What they shifted to is that the first time you broke parole they put you in prison for the weekend. You do it again they put you in prison for a weekend or a week and suddenly people could go “Oh” and you could teach people to not do that in a couple of days or a week. It doesn’t take five years. And what you teach them, if you yell at them six times, and they think “I guess it’s not against the rules since they just yell at me” and then we throw them in prison for five years and wonder “What was that all about?”

Medved: we are on with Grover Norquist about the criminal justice system and yes in that context we will bring you the word on for those of you who are just breathlessly expecting this. Grover we were talking off the air and you made me a bit bemused and perplexed by all of the cable television attention to the Jodie Arias case. They are about to announce a verdict and let people know what it is. I know Jeffery Toobin little bit who’s now the legal correspondent for CNN and Jeffrey has a very strong academic and legal background smart guys written some pretty good books. Big liberal but here is Jeffrey they send him out to Phoenix to cover the verdict in this incredibly sleazy trial. I mean really is this why people I imagine you don’t envy of the folks who are out there in phoenix covering this right now. I wish they could paint over this whole thing. Let us go to our callers on the budget and saving money on the budget with the criminal justice system Jut one thing, do you agree with me that it probably is a misallocations of funds to spend a lot of money on keeping people, or anyone in prison just for the use of marijuana?

Norquist: that’s not on my list to put people in prison for.

Medved: Good, let’s go to Jeremy in Burbank, California.

Jeremy: We used to have chain gangs and prisoners who made license plates and contributed to society, unless I’m mistaken, that’s an element that is missing from our justice system and incarceration system and that feels like it could be something that could offset the cost. Also there are things that are offered to prisoners like televisions. The more I hear about what is available to prisoners, it is personally punishment, and there is a piece of it in terms of rehabilitating but what about the reducing costs there?

Norquist: I think it makes sense for prisoners to be working, work is good for you and if you get out of practice for a few years, you are unlikely to get up in the morning and show up at work. Organized Labor thought they were competing with their workers and would make this illegal and we have enough labor shortages that I think we could put enough prisoners to work and not really interfere with the real economy. But have people learning skills, producing something, covering their own cost of incarceration and give something back to the people they’ve earned.

Medved: Let’s go to Bob in San Diego, California

Bob: Twenty years ago I heard a professor at think his last name was Mahler in San Diego state who wrote a book about prison reform and prison situation one of the things he said was doing a program in New York prisons where he was education prisoners for their masters degree and the rest of them wait while he was doing would like thirteen percent and he was sad to say that Bill Clinton cut that program and they came back to California to teach. I don’t know if you ever heard of that.

Norquist: No, there have been some very successful programs with young people with all sorts of different efforts allowed faith-based and I’m not sure you can take a successful program and all of a sudden give government money and decide you can do ten of them I think that’s one of the things that Bush had a little problem with it you can replicate some faith-based things that are based on strong personalities and either secularize some things and just say stupendous it doesn’t necessarily happen that way where you find those opportunities where is working like to keep it going.

The Conservative Case Against More Prisons

Our policy experts Vikrant Reddy and Marc Levin wrote an excellent piece recently for The American Conservative magazine. It’s entitled, “The Conservative Case Against More Prisons” and appeared in the latest issue of the magazine.

Here is an excerpt:

There are other ways to hold offenders—particularly nonviolent ones—accountable. These alternatives when properly implemented can lead to greater public safety and increase the likelihood that victims of crime will receive restitution. The alternatives are also less costly. Prisons are expensive (in some states, the cost of incarcerating an inmate for one year approaches $60,000), and just as policymakers should scrutinize government expenditures on social programs and demand accountability, they should do the same when it comes to prison spending. None of this means making excuses for criminal behavior; it simply means “thinking outside the cell” when it comes to punishment and accountability.

California Legislation Targets School Discipline

Governor Jerry Brown in California has signed two bills that seek to reform school discipline in California schools.

The first, Assembly Bill 1729, introduces intervening means of behavior correction prior to suspension or expulsion. Such behavior correction could include tiered interventions that occur during the school day, a parent-teacher conference, a restorative justice program, or an after-school program focusing on positive activities and behaviors.

The second, Assembly Bill 2537, clarifies that over-the-counter medication and toy guns in schools do not immediately trigger zero-tolerance penalties. School administrators may still make such a determination, but it is no longer automatic. This permits some degree of case-by-case analysis into an individual student’s behavior and intent.

Teens Judging Teens

First-time juvenile offenders in Humboldt County, California, are sometimes referred not to a judge in a black robe, but to their peers for adjudication. Part of a growing trend to infuse accountability and restorative justice into juvenile justice, teen courts involve teenagers (some volunteers, some performing court-ordered community service) who hear the facts of a case and decide punishment for their fellow juveniles.

The adjudication in these courts can be unique and varied—and often involve the teens’ perceptions of what the juvenile offender must do to make society whole and repair the damage done for his or her crimes.

In Humboldt County, teens sentenced their peers in 341 cases between 2001 and 2012, and only 28 youth were charged with a new crime within a year after their stint in the teen court.

Further, because teen court is a partnership with the local Boys and Girls Club, Humboldt County is leveraging its resources to divert youth in a way that limits the burden on taxpayers.

Teen courts are not the best option for all juveniles, but they can—in certain categories of cases—impart meaningful change in a juvenile’s life and yield real benefits for public safety.

Ineffective School Discipline Policies Threaten Public Safety

Law enforcement leaders recently banded together to highlight an important – but perhaps surprising –issue in public safety: school discipline.

San Bernardino County, CA District Attorney Michael Ramos, Sheriff Keith Royal, president of the California State Sheriffs’ Association, Sacramento Police Chief Rick Braziel, Ceres Police Chief Art de Werk, and the president of the California Police Chiefs Association all recently gathered in California to highlight ineffective school discipline policies that actually detract from public safety.

The officials noted that suspending and expelling students for minor offenses increases the number of youths out of the supervised school environment and on the streets, where they are far more likely to engage in troublemaking or even criminal behavior. The law enforcement coalition further pointed out the link between suspensions and dropping out of school, impacting both crime rates and educational gains.

The Sheriffs, Police Chiefs, and District Attorney spoke out after a report released by Fight Crime: Invest in Kids found high rates of suspension for low-level misbehavior. The group contrasted these poor outcomes with the positive gains and cost savings possible with alternative, more traditional school discipline measures which often involve restorative justice.

Right on Crime and the Texas Public Policy Foundation have researched the ineffectiveness of zero-tolerance and inflexible school discipline policies. Our most recent report, which can be found here, found that schools are proportionally less safe today than after 15 years of zero tolerance.

California Considers Parole Petitions for Lifers Tried as Juveniles

A bill currently sitting on Governor Jerry Brown’s desk would permit judicial reconsideration of juveniles previously sentenced to life without parole.

Senate Bill 9, passed by the California Senate and Assembly this summer, would allow an inmate who was tried as a juvenile, and currently serving a sentence of life without parole, to ask for judicial review of his or her time served after 15 years. The judge would need to find evidence of remorse as well as successful efforts toward rehabilitation. If the inmate exhibits both, the sentence could be reduced to 25 years to life—essentially permitting the option of parole.

This proposal would wisely not require the automatic release of any youths sentenced to life without parole, but it would at least provide judges and parole board members the discretion to review cases after 15 years to make a decision based on the evidence as to whether continued incarceration is necessary for public safety.

Earlier this summer, the United States Supreme Court ruled that juveniles cannot be mandatorily sentenced to life without parole; instead, the judge must consider the particulars of each case and each juvenile. The most conservative judges on the Court dissented, not because they viewed juvenile life without parole as a good policy, but because they took the very legitimate originalist and textualist position that those policies not clearly understood to be prohibited at the time the Constitution was created should not now be subject to judicial declarations that they have come to amount to cruel and unusual punishment based on changing societal mores.

However, regardless of one’s constitutional theory, the decision is now the law of the land and must be followed. Even if California’s current policy was constitutionally permissible, it fails to recognize the reality that some who commit even heinous crimes as juveniles have the capacity for change and rehabilitation. Both moral and fiscal considerations are at play when a rehabilitated convict serves a life without parole sentence. Noted conservative commentator Cal Thomas authored a piece that eloquently explained why conservatives should take an approach to this issue that is rightfully tough on youths who commit serious crimes, but still leaves the door open for rehabilitation and redemption that in some cases can be achieved over time.

Now, Governor Brown has an opportunity to both prioritize prison space for those that remain a danger to public safety and embrace the possibility that human beings, especially those who make terrible mistakes as a minor, can eventually be redeemed in some cases.

Targeting Truancy Outside of the Juvenile Justice System

Beginning this week, students in Los Angeles’ Unified School District who are truant three times or more will no longer be automatically ticketed and sent to court.

Instead, the youth will first be sent to a counselor at a Youth WorkForce Center, who will be tasked with figuring out what is causing the truancy in the first place. The counselor will then seek to provide the tools to fix the problem, and hopefully increase the number of kids who graduate rather than drop out.

Under the previous policy, three truancy violations resulted in a ticket, which required the youth to appear in court with his or her parent, and pay a hefty fine. This resulted in an estimated 10,000 tickets each school year.

School officials and court administrators are hoping this policy will reduce court costs and permit more efficient use of judicial resources, as well as ensure truancy is better addressed in Los Angeles.

California Continues County Realignment

California’s counties are continuing their efforts to handle the increased number of inmates under their jurisdiction following the massive prison realignment to reduce overcrowding in state prisons.

While a comprehensive assessment is forthcoming, some preliminary results are positive. In years past, 14 percent of felons failed to report to their parole officers following release from a state prison. Of the 23,000 inmates transferred to county control, less than four percent have failed to report to their county probation officer.

This reduction in absconding inmates has occurred in a variety of ways: some counties are transporting inmates directly from the prison gate, ensuring that they check in rather than leaving it up to them. Others are reaching out with letters detailing their responsibilities as well as services available.

Counties have a long way to go in adjusting to their new supervision and jail populations—especially as the influx is fluctuating, with some counties receiving more and some receiving fewer inmates than predicted—but if these early reductions in absconders is any indication, local control may play a role in strengthening public safety in California.

A Right Way and A Wrong Way to Reduce Prison Populations

Research has revealed that there is a right way and a wrong way to reduce the population of defendants and inmates who are securely confined: categorical releases are usually not the most effective approach, while targeted alternatives to incarceration for low-level offenders maintain the public safety while reducing unnecessary expenditures.

For instance, Fresno and King Counties in California are adopting GPS tracking to reduce the number of non-violent offenders in their jails. This approach ensures that only low-level offenders, who pose the least risk to the public safety, are given the opportunity to reenter society, even while monitored electronically by correction officials.

In Allegheny County, Pennsylvania, county officials are studying ways to identify low-level jail inmates and place those offenders into electronic monitoring and community service programs rather than house them in the county jail. County council members highlighted the importance of ensuring that only those offenders who do not pose “any threat or danger” are eligible for such alternatives.

In a few counties in New York, the judiciary is diverting certain 16 and 17 year olds—who are by law treated charged and tried as adults in that state for all crimes—into “adolescent diversion parts.” This program, targeted towards nonviolent and low-level offenders, usually those charged with shoplifting and burglary, works to rehabilitate the young offenders and involves community service and locally provided services. Offenders are only eligible after having been assessed with a risk screening instrument to ensure that their risk for recidivism is low enough to warrant diversion from traditional programming.

While these alternatives to traditional secure incarceration are often a more effective way to deal with some offenders, these options are often developed after budgetary stressors have made it clear that jail and prison populations cannot continue to grow.

Unfortunately, those same budgetary stressors can also lead to the wrong way to reduce prison and jail populations.

In Illinois, budget proposals include a plan to close prisons and halfway houses without corresponding efforts to provide alternatives for low-level offenders. These closures—at a time when prisons are already overcrowded in that state (prison populations are at 144 percent of capacity, at last count)—were deemed necessary to find savings in the budget. But without reducing confined populations, prison closures will not provide savings as much as shift expenditures on confinement. In addition, the state is looking to cut drug treatment and job training—two important tools for reducing recidivism.

Prison closures can have a dramatic effect on state budgets, providing efficiencies and cost savings—but only when prison populations are low enough or have been decreased that the number of empty beds warrants the closures. For instance, juvenile lockup populations are low enough in Illinois, and alternatives to secure confinement are prevalent enough, to make closing juvenile facilities a positive step forward for the state—saving money and streamlining the system. Florida too has empty prison beds that make it possible to close several prisons across the state, easing the burden on Florida taxpayers.

There is a right way and a wrong way to go about reducing jail and prison populations. Targeted alternatives can save millions while continuing to maintain public safety, and can lead to prison closures as empty prison beds rack up. Categorical release and prison closures without providing for more efficient inmate placement can have serious detrimental effects on both budgets and safe communities.

Sentencing Serious Juvenile Offenders

An interesting new report released on Michigan juvenile offenders reveals that most states do not use juvenile life-without-parole (“JLWOP”) sentencing. The few that do use it, however, use it often. Specifically, two-thirds of all “JLWOP” sentences have been issued by just five states (Michigan, Pennsylvania, Florida, Louisiana, California), while in the past five years most states (39) only issued zero or one JLWOP sentence each year. The U.S. Supreme Court will soon decide two cases related to the constitutionality of this hotly debated issue.